Thursday, May 29, 2014

HIH Princess Noriko is Getting Married

It has been officially announced that HIH Princess Noriko of Takamodo is engaged to marry Mr. Kunimaro Senge (age 40) the eldest son of the chief priest of Izumo Taisha grand shrine in Izumo, Shimane Prefecture. Senge is currently a senior priest at the shrine and according to the Imperial Household Agency the wedding ceremony will be held there this autumn. Because the princess will be marrying a commoner, she will have to renounce her imperial status because of this marriage.

HIH Princess Noriko is the second daughter of HIH Norihito, Prince Takamado and HIH Hisako, Princess Takamado. She was born in 1988 and is 25-years old. We wish her all happiness and good fortune in her married life and new life as a private citizen.


Saturday, May 24, 2014

Japanese Solidarity with Other Monarchies

At the main weblog, the subject was recently raised of solidarity and cooperation between monarchies. In its time, the Empire of Japan had a more praiseworthy record in this regard than many others. In the days when more successful countries had a proper, upright, national pride it was not uncommon for a country to defend its own monarchy more zealously than most today, but to take a risk to support another or most especially to help bring about the restoration of a fallen monarch to their legitimate throne was something which required the courage of heroes. Japan was one of the few to undertake such action. Here is a brief record of those occasions:
The Empire of Manchukuo: Of course, the most prominent is the restoration of the last Qing Emperor to his ancestral throne in Manchuria. If the Han Chinese did not want to continue the Great Qing Empire, that was their own business but they certainly had no right to those countries outside China which had only come together because of the personal union with the Manchu Emperor. That included such examples as Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang, which, it should be noted, Japan supported independence for as traditional monarchies. Prince De Wang of Mongolia was backed as leader of the Autonomous Inner Mongolian government, Tibet had been contacted by Japan but was under a regency as the recently discovered 14th Dalai Lama was still a child and in Xinjiang there was a plan to see a son of the Turkish Ottoman Empire restored to a throne closer to that of his ancestral homeland by making Prince Abdul Karim the Sultan of East Turkestan but that never came to be due to the war situation.
The Kingdom of Malaysia: The area that is today the Kingdom of Malaysia was not united to the same degree at the time of the Greater East Asian War. When the Imperial Japanese forces drove out the British, all the existing monarchies were maintained, even those which had been the most supportive of Britain. The only changes were those who had been unjustly deprived of their legitimate thrones and replaced by others who were reliably pro-British. Japan corrected this injustice by restoring Sultan Ali Shah of Terengganu (pictured above) and Sultan Musa Ghiatuddin Riayat Shah of Selangor. There was some talk of merging Malaysia and Indonesia into a "Greater Indonesia" but nothing ever came of the idea, partly because the status of these areas was never firmly settled. Indonesia was particularly problematic as those who first showed the most willingness to cooperate with Japan later proved untrustworthy.
The Monarchies of Indochina: Throughout Indochina, Japan supported the existing, legitimate monarchies and never took action against a legitimate monarch even if they were anti-Japanese. In Cambodia, King Norodom Sihanouk declared independence but his friendliness with socialists and even radical communists was concerning but his position remained sacrosanct. The precaution taken was the appointment of the staunchly anti-communist Son Ngoc Thanh as his prime minister (also a supporter of the pan-Asian movement). In the Kingdom of Laos there was the situation for Japan of a monarch who was adamantly pro-French, King Sisavang Vong. He was, therefore, simply sidestepped as Japan worked with the very popular, pro-independence nationalist Prince Phetsarath Ratanavongsa (pictured above). In Vietnam the most pro-Japanese royal was Prince Cuong De who had lived in Japan for years advocating for an end to French rule. However, the reigning monarch, Emperor Bao Dai, also supported independence and Prince Cuong De was not power-hungry. He was happy just to see his country independent and supported Bao Dai in declaring the independence of the Empire of Vietnam. In the Kingdom of Thailand, the monarch was largely absent but supported nonetheless and it would be the last time Thailand ever had any territorial gain. Burma was the only republic in the region and even that may not have lasted long. Japan supported the independence leader Dr. Ba Maw who was the son of a court official and strong Burmese monarchist so, in time, it is entirely possible that the Burmese monarchy might have been restored if Japan had won the war.

Thursday, May 22, 2014

King and Queen of Bhutan in Japan

The King & Queen of Bhutan with Her Majesty the Empress

The Bhutanese Royal couple wore Japanese clothes during their visit

Monarchies share a respect for tradition that republics cannot match

Highlighting the Bhuddist spiritual ties between Japan and Bhutan

Their Majesties the Emperor and Empress also met with Princess Ashi Kesang Choden Wangchuk of Bhutan and her husband Palden Yoeser Thinley on another visit to Japan.

The royal ties of friendship between two monarchies; 
the Land of the Thunder Dragon and the Land of the Rising Sun


Tuesday, May 20, 2014

HM Emperor Showa and Foreign Royalty

with Emperor Kang Teh of Manchukuo

with the Swedish Royal Family

with the Belgian Royal Family

with King Edward VIII of Great Britain

Friday, May 16, 2014

Moving Forward for Security

Recently, the communist bandit government in Peking sent personnel to exploit oil resources in the South China Sea which clashed with the forces of the communist bandit government in Hanoi as it happened in an area claimed by both the Chinese and the Vietnamese. Because of this increase in the centuries-old tension between China and Vietnam, the Vietnamese have struck back and mobs have attacked "Chinese" businesses in Vietnam (mostly around Saigon), harming, inadvertently no doubt, some Taiwanese and Japanese businesses and people in the process. This has caused some people in Japan to voice their moral support for the Vietnamese against the shared threat of communist China and that is perfectly understandable as the Vietnamese are clearly in the right in this situation. Vietnam has even drawn closer to the United States in recent years because of the increasing threat posed by Red China which seems set on a policy of expansion the likes of which has scarcely been seen before in Chinese history (a good clue that the post-imperial China is a totally different entity from the true, traditional China of yesterday). In the world of politics and international relations, such alliances of convenience are sometimes necessary but, of course, when it comes to a communist dictatorship like Vietnam, some caution is called for.

Remember that the communist Vietnamese have fought fellow communists before; they fought the Cambodian regime of Pol Pot and they fought Red China. They will do whatever is necessary to maintain their hold on power and that is the bottom line of all of these moves. In the past, they made common cause with the French to remove the forces of the Republic of China from North Vietnam and, it must not be forgotten, these are the successors of those same Vietnamese communists who made common cause with the United States in World War II to oppose the Empire of Japan and the traditional, legitimate, independent regime of the Empire of Vietnam which Japan had enabled to be established. Communist Vietnam will surely welcome Japanese support but it will never be returned so long as the Communist Party remains in power in Hanoi. If Japan is ever in danger, do not count on the support, moral or otherwise, of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. However, this does serve to highlight the increasingly dangerous world of the East Asia area due to the expansionist policies of Red China. It is, therefore, only reasonable that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe recently proposed a reinterpretation of the constitution to allow for collective security measures to be taken by the Japanese Self-Defense Forces.

When this news was made public, it was interesting to note the response of two major powers: the United States of America voiced support for Japan taking a more direct role in its own security and the People's Republic of China denounced the idea as being part of the "negative actions" taken by Japan. The United States wants a stronger Japan, while Red China wants a Japan that is weak and dependent on others for security. This is an example of why maintaining good Japanese-American relations is important, in spite of what has happened in the past. What was done to Japan in the past, particularly by the regime of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, is appalling and the Japanese people should be aware of the details of it to restore their own national pride (as I have tried to do here). However, Japan should become like South Korea and become so obsessed with the past as to allow it to weaken Japan in the present and in the future. Even though most Americans are just as misinformed about the Second World War in East Asia (the Greater East Asian War) they still view Japan as a trustworthy friend and ally. What is ironic is that there are now people in the United States who support what the FDR regime had opposed Japan for in the 1930's.

America would like to see Japan become stronger and embrace collective security measures in order to stand guard, more independently, of East Asia as a responsible power because the United States is increasingly weary as the sole super-power in the world. This is ironically very similar to what some in Japan proposed in the 1930's which was for Japan to issue a "Monroe Doctrine" for East Asia. This was the idea that compared a proposed Japanese policy with that of the Monroe Doctrine in which the United States warned off the powers of Europe from any further involvement in the affairs of the Americas (basically the United States did not want European countries regaining control of the colonies which had recently declared themselves independent republics). If there were any problems in the Americas, according to the Monroe Doctrine, the United States would deal with them but everyone else was to keep "hands off". Some in Japan proposed the same sort of measure for East Asia, telling Europe and America to stay out of the region and that Japan would take care of any problems. At the time, such a notion angered the United States but now there is perhaps even more of a desire for something similar in America than in Japan. The United States would prefer for Japan to be stronger in containing the expansionist forces of Red China.

The Communist Chinese, of course, want Japan to remain weak and dependent for others for security. They do this because they do not want Japan to be able to forge any real alliances with other victims of Red Chinese aggression and because they want Japan to be isolated. They can see that Americans are fast losing their desire to intervene in world affairs where the U.S. is not directly threatened and they hope that they can intimidate a weak Japan into bowing to their will, one issue at a time, due to the weakness of Japanese military forces and the idea that the American people have grown tired and frustrated with fighting on behalf of other people only to condemned and vilified for it. Red China wants Japan weak and most importantly isolated and they hope that if they can achieve that, they can obtain what they want from Japan without having to actually fight at all. They envision a quick strike to grab the Senkakus after which the Japanese government, isolated from any powerful supporters, will take no action but to protest to the UN or something like that and the issue will be dragged on indefinitely as a legal matter all the while China controls and exploits the Senkakus. That is the future China envisions and is working for.

This is why, not without learning the truth of history and standing by it, defending the integrity of the prior generations of Japanese and refuting falsehoods with facts, the Japanese should not give in hatred but instead to preserve the Japanese-American alliance that exists today. To encourage anger against America (and thus foster American anger against Japan) is to aid the Red Chinese, and even the South Koreans, in their cause to isolate Japan from the one country strong enough to deter China militarily. After all, why do you suppose the South Koreans put those Comfort Women statues in the United States when the issue does not involve America at all? They do it because they want to drive a wedge between America and Japan and to weaken and isolate the Japanese from American support. Please do not inadvertently assist these people! For the sake of future generations Japan must expand its population, strengthen its armed forces and take a strong stand internationally. However, until Japan is strong enough to deter any threat from Red China, there must be a strong solidarity with the United States to accomplish this together. America wants a stronger Japan, the people need a stronger Japan and East Asia needs a stronger Japan so the way forward is clear: strengthen now and quickly so Japan can move forward for security!

Friday, May 9, 2014

Vietnam Celebrates Dien Bien Phu

Recently, Vietnam celebrated the 60th anniversary of the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu at the hands of the communist Vietminh forces led by General Vo Nguyen Giap. The government in Hanoi played this up considerably, emphasizing the ruling Vietnamese Communist Party as being responsible for the independence of Vietnam from the French. They do this, of course, to secure their own hold on power and reinforce the communist dictatorship. The truth is that the communists never really fought for independence at all but simply for power over their own people who were trapped in communist tyranny before ever really having a chance to understand communism or what it meant. This is more vital today because the people have access to more information in the past and the Communist Party is worrying about their monopoly on state power. The truth is that the communists had nothing to do with Vietnam first gaining independence from France and, indeed, they actively worked to delay real Vietnamese independence for many years and at the cost of many lives. The real credit for the first liberation of Vietnam from French control must go to the Vietnamese Emperor, the traditional leaders of the country and to the Empire of Japan.

The Japanese Imperial Army stationed in Vietnam carried out a coup in 1945 to remove the French colonial authorities from power and offered the reigning monarch, HM Emperor Bao Dai, the opportunity to declare independence. The Emperor, educated in France. had no ill-will or animosity toward the French but wanted his country to be independent and realized the colonial era had come to an end. So, before the communists tried to do the same in Hanoi several months later, Emperor Bao Dai declared the independence of the Empire of Vietnam, repudiated all the treaties with France and pledged Imperial Vietnam's full support for the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and expressed his sincere thanks to the Empire of Japan for making the unity and independence of Vietnam possible. This was the first time Vietnam had been united and independent since the reign of Emperor Tu Duc and it was thanks to the actions of the Empire of Japan. It is also important to remember that the communists, the Vietminh, were at this same time fighting against the Japanese forces, armed and supported by the United States OSS (Office of Strategic Services, forerunner of the CIA) as part of the Allied war effort against Japan. This, obviously, was a mistake that would cost the United States dearly in the future.

Saturday, May 3, 2014

Constitution Memorial Day 憲法記念日

Today is the holiday set aside in Japan to remember the enactment of the current Japanese constitution in 1947. This is a delicate topic as, overall, the 1947 constitution has served Japan fairly well. When compared to other countries in the region, the Japanese government operates smoothly and protects the basic rights and personal freedom of the people. At the same time, there is really no getting around the fact that the current constitution was basically imposed on Japan by the occupying forces of the United States with the cooperation of certain very liberal elements within Japanese politics. Many would think of comparing it then to the United States Constitution, but that would be a mistake. The differences are profound and, in fact, reveal why it might be better for Japan to have a new constitution altogether. Perhaps one that took into account Japanese culture and values, encompassing the entirety of Japanese history and experience and one which did not preclude the country from properly defending itself. It would also be nice if it would make things less complicated. After all, when one thinks of Japanese products, be it cameras, computers or cars, everyone thinks of them as easy to use and efficient. Yet, the Japanese government is the exact opposite, being quite inefficient and frustratingly difficult to change.

Think of it like this; the United States has often been praised for its constitution, yet many who have tried to copy it, in various parts of the world, have not met with much success. That is because the American constitution was a natural development for the American people. It was drawn up by British colonists who drew heavily from the unwritten constitution of the United Kingdom. The common law system is the same, basic rights are similar, tracing their line all the way back to Magna Carta. Even the government is quite similar; a House of Representatives much like the British House of Commons, a Senate much like the House of Lords (originally un-elected as well) and with a President who held much the same powers as the King (at least at that time, today of course the U.S. President has far more power and the British monarch virtually none at all). In short, the American constitution was a very natural sort of document for former British colonists to come up with. It suited them well and grew out of English history in law and government. The same cannot be said for the Japanese constitution. It was imposed as a purposely radical change, immediately after a traumatic war, to make Japan a very different sort of country from what it had been (or at least to try). I do not doubt the sincere motives and good intentions of those behind it, but surely Japan would be better served today by a constitution that reflected Japanese values instead of those of FDR's America. Because that is what it was, though FDR was dead and Truman was President, there was a conscious effort to remold Japan in the style of the leftist programs of FDR's "New Deal" campaign.

Not all of the ideas were bad of course and there were certainly aspects of the Meiji Constitution that needed to be improved, but it was certainly no secret at the time that Japan was being pushed radically to the left with the new constitution and that it was inspired, in part, by the "New Deal" policies of the late President Roosevelt. What is even more tragic is that those policies did not even serve America well and should have been the last thing anyone should have exported. The New Deal actually slowed down recovery from the Great Depression and was known by many in the United States as "the Raw Deal". If such a contrivance did not work well in the United States, how could it be expected to work well in Japan which had a political culture much farther removed from it than America?

At the very least, some reforms of the current constitution are urgently needed. In my opinion, something totally new should be adopted, drawing on Japanese traditions which actually go back a very long time in history, at least as far back as the 17 Article Constitution of Prince Shotoku. There is much to build on. I would like to see the position of HM the Emperor defined more clearly as the Head of State and Sovereign of Japan, I would like to see the restoration of the House of Peers (though that is probably the least likely to find public approval these days) and, of course, I would like to see the restoration of the armed forces and Japan being free to take military action when necessary to guard Japanese interests, security and national sovereignty. The matter is urgent and only becoming more so day by day. Let this be a Constitutional Memorial Day dedicated to some deep and honest reflection on what sort of constitution Japan needs.